To the Printer of the PENNSYLVANIA PACKET.

from Pennsylvania Packet, October 16, 1779.

When passion and mistake give way to candor and benevolence, we sensibly forget the injury in contemplating the effect, and pay a reverence to virtue tho’ provoked into action by a fault. The late unfortunate affair of the fourth inst. will, to different minds, administer a different medicine. Surviving relations will feel as nature teaches; their part requires no invention, needs no apology, and whoever were to blame they are to be pitied. Those who unfortunately fell on either side, have paid a martyrdom to mistake, and distinguished themselves as the lamented victims of wasted bravery. In the softer sentiments of a thoughtful world, the whole affair will become a subject of concern; and the only consolation it affords is the hope of feeling the same degree of spirit exerted against the enemy, which, warped by error and aggravated by passion, produced a tumult in which no one enemy fell.

The countenance of the city during that affair, wore an unusual contemplative gloominess. It had nothing of that heated appearance which accompanies the disturbances of other countries, and was totally void of that eagerness of enterprise which takes place against a known enemy. Neither Whig nor Tory could rejoice; all were at a stand, concern produced in the one what dread created in the other; and on once the city was affectedly united.

Neither can I see any hope the enemy can derive, when they learn the story with its causes and consequences. As a misfortune which we lament, it may to them become a matter of malignant joy; but it promises them nothing; it neither gives encouragement to their arms, nor invitation to their artifice; it neither indicates unwillingness to the field, nor wariness in resisting. On the contrary, it holds out to them a redundancy of zeal, a vehemence of spirit, which, however injudicious in its plans, or unfortunate in its effects, was intentionally aimed at their abettors.

It was the fourth of October. The anniversary of the action at Germantown. A day, distinguished by perplexities and consigned to misfortune. Whether the circumstance occurred at the time the matter was concerted, is what I have not authority even to guess upon; but be that as it may, we cannot but lament that the events of the evening should, in both instances, close with a tear the spirits of the morning.

As it is one of those occurrences which it is unpleasant to enquire into, I wish not to know more than I already know, nor indulge any other thoughts on the subjects than what may tend to abate the painfulness of remembrance, and extinguish the acrimony which error may have kindled. It is over, and thank God it was no worse. But were nothing said, the matter might suffer abroad by aggravated misinterpretation. The deaths of three men might be multiplied into as many hundreds, and perpetuity be added to the contention of an hour.

That nothing more was meant by those who assembled on the Commons than to remove persons suspected of disaffection, is universally consented to, and in this light their design was naturally prompted by an attachment to the cause of an injured country. The difficulty of attempting such a measure, the hazard of executing it, and the consequences which might probably ensue, without first obtaining an authoritative sanction and consent, were matters which do not always accompany an excess of zeal. Those whose talent it is to act, are seldom much devoted to deliberate thinking; and feeling that they mean well, they suppose it impossible to be wrong, and in the confidence of success overlook the trouble that lies concealed. Where is the man who has not, in his turn, exclaimed, that the Tories ought to be removed; and who had those men laid hold of, that could be deemed a Whig? The measure, while it existed in words, was a measure of popularity; and every one who has promoted it in conversation, has prompted them on.

On what occasion, or by what contrivance a number of Gentlemen were brought together in Mr. Wilson’s house, makes up the most mysterious part of the business. As far as I can discover, I cannot find the least trace whereon to conclude that any one who went there had the least reason to be apprehensive of his own safety. They must, in general, have been induced by misrepresentation tho’ some, I am well assured, were led by a generous intention of preventing mischief; and pity it is their advice was not taken. That Mr. Wilson is not a favourite in the State, is a matter which, I presume, he is fully sensible of, yet the difference is exceedingly great, between no being in favor and being considered as an enemy. But that he who never armed when the country was in danger, should arm his house to provoke danger, and draw to it a number of Gentlemen at the hazard of their lives, when a timely application to the Civil Power might have prevented every thing, was at once both unconstitutional and unfriendly, a disregard to the laws of the State and the peace of the city. By this imprudent conduct, parties became pitted who knew not each other; and that which had the appearance of a challenge, produced an action.

The affliction which followed, soon extended itself over the city. Every one asked what was the matter; how it began, who were the persons, with every other question of curiosity concern, and still the matter was inveloped in darkness; some supposed one thing, and some another, without being able to satisfy themselves or those who enquired. But when the parties in and out of the house were known, and became known to each other, the animosity began to subside; and the whole, exclusive of the imprudence, explained itself into a tragedy of errors.

It generally happens that distress is the forerunner of benevolence; at least it serves to quicken into action that which might otherwise might take a longer time to awake. The sickness that has so generally prevailed through the city, added to the misfortune already mentioned, has been the means of setting on foot two well intended subscriptions; the one for the relief of the families of those who were killed or wounded on the fourth instant, the other for the relief of the sick and distressed in the several wards. Both of them have been liberally supported; and most of the persons both in and out of the house, who could afford it, have been ample contributors. How different this, to that spirit of rancor which generally accompanies, and most assuredly succeeds, premeditated domestic feuds. It calls back the mind to a state of serenity; and shews, by the most convincing proofs, that the affair, now too late to be remedied, was not the quarrel of enemies or of parties, but the unfortunate blunder of friends.

C — S —.

Images above and transcript below from the original letter at the American Philosophical Society

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Philadelphia

Oct. 11th, 1779

Honble. Sirs

Some few days ago I presented a letter to this Honble Board stating the inconveniences which I lay under from an attention to public interest in preference to my own, to which I have received no reply. It is to me a matter of great concern to find in the government of this State, that which appears to be a disposition in them to neglect their friends and to throw discouragements in the way of genius and letters.

At the particular request of the gentleman who presides at this board, I took up the defence of the Constitution, at a time when he declared to me that unless he could be assisted he must give it up and quit the State, as matters then pressed too heavy upon him, and the opposition was gaining ground; yet this Board has since suffered me to combat with all the inconveniences incurred by that Service without any attention to my interest or my Situation. For the sake of not dishonoring a Cause, good in itself, I have hitherto been silent on these matters, but I cannot help expressing to this board the concern I feel on this occasion, and the ill effect which such discouraging Examples will have on those, who might otherwise be disposed to act as I have done.

Having said this much which is but a little part of which I am sensible of, I have a request to make which if complied with, will enable me to overcome the difficulties alluded to and to withdraw from a service in which I have experienced nothing but misfortune and neglect.

I have an opportunity of importing a quantity of printing paper from France, and intend collecting my several pieces, beginning with Common Sense, into two Volumes and publishing them by Subscription, with notes. but as I cannot think of beginning the subscription until the paper arrive, and as the undertaking exclusive of the paper, will be attended with more expense than I, who have saved money both in the Service of the Continent and the State can bear, I should be glad to be assisted with the loan of fifteen hundred pounds for which I will give bond payable within a year. — If this should not be complied with, I request that the services I have rendered may be taken into consideration and such compensation made me therefore as they shall appear to deserve.

I am Honble Sirs your Obt and humble Servt,

THOMAS PAINE.

From the original letter at the New-York Historical Society

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To the Honorable The Supreme Executive Council of the State of Pennsylvania

Honble. Sirs

Tho’ it has always been my disposition to render Service rather than to request it, yet the line of duty in which I have acted for four years past without profit or advantage to myself, has subjected me to numerous inconveniences which are now no longer in my power to support. — That I could have avoided them is a matter which I presume this board has no doubt of, nor of the apparent necessity there then was of relinquishing every Species of private emolument, for the purpose of supporting a Cause which originally rested on Honor and Principle; and so exceedingly cautious have I been in this, that there is not a private Soldier in the Service of America, during the Time in which I have been engaged in public affairs, who has not been a greater expense to government than myself. — To this State, individually, I have been no charge, altho’ some considerable portions of my time have been spent in her particular Service, at a period when she most required it, and many disadvantages have arose to me in consequence thereof.

I cannot but observe that the course of four years have produced no other Signature universally known and read here and abroad except that under which I have constantly published, and should my Situation be rendered such as shall obliged me to discontinue the part I have hitherto acted, it will not be easy to establish a new Signature that shall collect and keep the sentiments of the country together, should any future emergency arise, which to me appears very probable.

I conceive that the honor of a cause is considerably strengthened when those who have taken an early and active part therein cannot be accused of ambitious or interested Views, and tho’ it is not now within the compass of my abilities to make any further supplies of time and service, and as I am unwilling to qu(it – word torn) what I wish to support, and cannot consistently ply out of the State while I live within it. I have the liberty of mentioning my Situation to this Honble Board and to inform them, that with every disposition to serve a Cause I have been long engaged in, I have it not in my power to do it unassisted as I have hitherto done.

I am Honble Sirs your Obt. Humble Servt

THOMAS PAINE

Philadelphia

Sept 28 1779

From the original letter at the New-York Historical Society

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Market Street

Sept. 18th, 1779

Sir

I had the honor this morning of receiving by the hands of your Servant your favor of a printed copy respecting Govr. Johnstone’s offer, but the suddenness with which the bearer returned and my not understanding his message till I saw your name on the cover, occasioned that neglect of my thanks which I now request you to accept.

Mr. Matlack mentioned to me some time ago your design of publishing the particulars, and I signified to him my willingness to assist in arranging them (as I presume you cannot have much time for purposes of this kind) and the matter is such an Evidence of the principle on which their Commissionary Negotiation where intended to be carried on, that the making them fully known was highly necessary.

I did not, I believe, attend to Mr. Matlack’s message so much as I might otherwise have done, because it was somewhat indelicately introduced by his asking me How I lived? And consequently the subsequent part had more the appearance of employment than confidential friendship. Besides which I felt my disposition considerably hurt by the inattention shewn to me last winter, tho’ it must be easy to see that a great part of the opposition I had then to go through respecting Deane’s Affairs was from resentment to what I had published on the Constitution at a time the opposers of it were hoping to be successful.

I think I have done better by the State, than the State has by me; and I cannot but look upon it a reflection either on one the other, that after sharing in every difficulty and rendering every service in my power for more than four years, that the only State I have lived in in America, which must be supposed to know most of the matter and which had individually derived some assistance from me, should be so willing to receive and so very backward to acknowledge. I know it will do no good to publish these things, and unpleasant as they be to put up with I yet think it best to do so. But I confess myself unable to account for them and if there is any thing which I do not understand or have misconceived I should be glad to have it pointed out, for it is neither agreeable or useful to live under a mistake with those who have the same public object in view with myself.

From the original letter now in private hands

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Philadelphia

Sept. 14th, 1779

Dear Sir

It was my intention to have communicated to you the substance of this letter last Sunday had I not been prevented by a return of my fever; perhaps finding myself unwell, and feeling, as well as apprehending, inconveniences, have produced in me some thoughts for myself as well as for others.

I need not repeat to you the part I have acted or the principle I have acted upon; and perhaps America would feel the less obligation to me, did she know, that it was neither the place nor the people but the Cause itself that irresistibly engaged me in its support; for I should have acted the same part in any other country could the same circumstances have arisen there which have happened here. I have often been obliged to form this distinction to myself by way of smoothing over some disagreeable ingratitudes, which, you well know, have been shewn to me from a certain quarter.

I find myself so curiously circumstanced that I have both too many friends and too few, the generality of them thinking that from the public part I have so long acted I cannot have less than a mine to draw from. What they have had from me they have got for nothing and they consequently suppose I must be able to afford it.

I know but one kind of life I am fit for, and that is a thinking one, and, of course, a writing one. but I have confined myself so much of late, taken so little exercise, and lived so very sparingly, that unless I alter my way of life, it will alter me. I think I have a right to ride a horse of my own, but I cannot-now even afford to hire one, which is a situation I never was in before, and I begin to know that a sedentary life cannot be supported without jolting exercise.

Having said thus much, which, in truth, is but loss of time to tell to you who so well know how I am situated, I take the liberty of communicating to you my design of doing some degree of Justice to myself, but even this is accompanied with some present difficulties, but it is the easiest, and, I believe, the most useful and reputable of any I can think of.

I intend this winter to collect all my publications, beginning with Common Sense and ending with the fisheries, and publishing them in two Volumes Octavo — with notes. I have no doubt of a large Subscription. The principal difficulty will be to get Paper and I can think of no way more practicable than to desire Arthur Lee to send over a quantity from France in the Confederacy if she goes there, and settling for it with his brother.

After that work is completed, I intend prosecuting a history of the Revolution by means of a Subscription but this undertaking will be attended with such an amazing Expense, and will take such a length of Time that unless the States individually give some assistance therein, scarcely any man could afford to go through it. Some kind of an history might be easily executed made up of daily events and trifling matters which would lose their Importance in a few years. But a proper history cannot even be begun unless the Secrets of the other side of the water can be obtained, for the first part, is so interwoven with the Politics of England, that, that which will be the last to get at must be the first to begin with. and this single Instance is sufficient to show that no history can take place for some time.

My design, if I undertake it, is to comprise it in three quarto Volumes and to publish one each year from the time of beginning, and to make an abridgment afterwards in an easy agreeable language for a school book. All the histories of ancient wars that are used for this purpose promote no Moral Reflection, but like the beggars opera renders the Villain pleasing in the hero —

Another thing that will prolong the Completion of an history is the want of Plates which only can be done in Europe, for that part of a history which is intended to convey description of places or persons will ever be imperfect without them.

I have now, Sir, acquainted you with my design, and unwilling, as you know I am, to make use of a friend while I can possibly avoid it, I am really obliged to say that I should now be glad to consult with two or three on some matters that regard my Situation till such time as I can bring the first of those Subscriptions to bear, or set them on foot, which cannot well be until I can get the paper; for should I disappointed of that, with the Subscriptions in my hand, I might be reflected upon, and the reason tho’ a true one, would be subject to other Explanations.

Here lies the difficulty I alluded to in the beginning of this letter, and I would rather wish to borrow something of a friend or two in the interim than run the risk I have mentioned, because should I be disappointed by the Paper being taken or not arriving in time, the reason being understood by them beforehand will not injure me, but in the other Case it would, and in the mean Time I can be preparing for publication. I have hitherto kept all my private matters a secret but as I know your friendship and you a great deal of my Situation, I can with more ease communicate them to you than to another.

I am Dear Sir your Obt Humble Servt

THOMAS PAINE.

P. S. If you are not engaged tomorrow Evening I should be glad to spend part of it with you, if you are I shall wait your opportunity —