To John Hall November 25, 1791

LONDON,

MY OLD FRIEND:

I am very happy to see a letter from you, and to hear that our Friends on the other side of the water are well. The Bridge has been put up, but being on wood butments they yielded, and it is now taken down. The first rib as an experiment was erected between two steel furnaces, which supported it firmly; it contained not quite three tons of iron, was ninety feet span, height of the arch five feet; it was loaded with six tons of iron, which remained upon it a twelve month.

At present I am engaged on my political Bridge. I shall bring out a new work (Second part of the Rights of Man) soon after New Year. It will produce something one way or other. I see the tide is yet the wrong way, but there is a change of sentiment beginning. I have so far got the ear of John Bull that he will read what I write-which is more than ever was done before to the same extent. Rights of Man has had the greatest run of anything ever published in this country, at least of late years-almost sixteen thousand has gone off-and in Ireland above forty thousand-besides the above numbers one thousand printed cheap are now gone to Scotland by desire of some of the [friends] there. I have been applied to from Birmingham for leave to print ten thousand copies, but I intend, after the next work has had its run among those who will have handsome printed books and fine paper, to print an hundred thousand copies of each work and distribute them at sixpence a-piece; but this I do not at present talk of, because it will alarm the wise mad folks at St. James. I have received a letter from Mr. Jefferson who mentioned the great run it has had there. It has been attacked by John Adams, who has brought an host about his ears from all parts of the Continent. Mr. Jefferson has sent me twenty five different answers to Adams who wrote under the signature of Publicola. A letter is somewhere in the city for me from Mr. Laurens of S Carolina. I hope to receive it in a few days. I shall be glad at all times to see, or hear from you. Write to me (under cover) to Gordon, Booksellers N, 166 Fleet Street, before you leave Leicester. How far is it from thence to Rotherham?

Yours sincerely,

THOMAS PAINE.

P.S. I have done you the compliment of answering your favor the inst. I received it which is more than I have done by any other-were I to answer all the letters I receive-I should require half a dozen clerks.

THOUGHTS ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A MINT IN THE UNITED STATES. By THOMAS PAINE.

THE price of machinery and the expence of labor are reserved to the conclusion. I proceed therefore to consider the Metals and the means of procuring them.

I begin with Copper. — This Metal is of too little value and of too much bulk, to answer the purposes of coin to any great extent: About ten or twenty thousand dollars worth of copper coin is, I believe, as much as can be circulated in America.

Copper may be had in America, cheaper than in any other part of the world, and in greater quantities than are necessary for coining. This copper comes from the West-Indies, it is the old boiler stills, and other utensils which being worn out, the Planters have no use for the old copper. They have not, as I am informed, the means of melting it up, or do not give themselves the trouble to do it, besides which there is a duty of 3d sterling per lb. on landing it in England.

Considerable quantities of this copper have, since the war, been brought in New-York, for 6d. per lb. York currency; but supposing ten pounds of it be bought for one dollar, it will consequently follow that ten pound weight of copper is only equal to about one ounce weight of silver; if therefore one dollar worth of copper was to be divided into a hundred parts or cents, each cent would be above the weight and size of a silver dollar. Two opposite difficulties, therefore, present themselves with respect to a copper coinage; the one is, that to give the coins, or cents, the intrinsic value they ought to have by weight, they will be too heavy and bulky for the use they are intended for; the other is, that to make them light enough to be convenient, they will not have intrinsic value enough to pass, any more than half dollars would pass for dollars.

The proportionate or relative value of silver to gold, is about 16 to one; that is, 16 ounces of silver is about the value of one ounce of gold, but the relative value of copper to silver, is from 120 to 140 to 1, which makes them too remote to represent each other in the shape of coin convenient for the pocket. Nobody would think of carrying brass pound weights about him for coin, yet he must carry copper in that proportion.

The metal convenient for a coin under the silver coin, should not differ more in its value from silver than silver does from gold — and if it differed still less it would be better: but as the relative values now stand, the difference increases where convenience requires it should decrease. But as no such a metal, which convenience requires, exists naturally, the question is whether it will answer to produce it by composition.

Of compositions, three methods present themselves — 1st. Mixing silver and copper in fusion — 2d. Plating the copper with silver — 3d. Plugging the copper with silver. But against all these there are very capital objections. — Wherever there is a want of satisfaction there must necessarily be a want of confidence; and this must always take place in all compounded metals. There is also a decrease in the intrinsic value of metals when compounded; one shilling worth of silver compounded with one shilling worth of copper, the composition is not worth two shillings, or what the metals were worth before they were compounded, because they must again be separated to acquire their utmost value, and this only can be done at a refiner’s. It is not what the coin cost to make, but what the coin is intrinsically worth when made; that only can give it currency in all cases. Plugging copper with silver is the least detrimental to the intrinsic value of the metals, because they are the easiest separated; but in all these cases the value of the silver put into the composition will be so predominant to the value of the copper, that it will be rather a base silver coin than a copper coin.

As therefore copper presents so many inconveniences arising from its great bulk and little value, and so small an object for establishing a mint (for people have learned the value of copper coin too well to take it as they formerly did) all the calculations for a mint must be made upon silver and gold, and whatever may done in copper to be considered only as incidental.

It is I think pretty evident that copper has become a coin not from the want or scarcity of silver (because the value of all the copper coin in any nation is but a trifle, and never considered in the estimation of national property) but because silver does not admit of being divided and sub-divided down into such small pieces as to contain only the value of a copper or a cent. It is this only which has induced a recourse to copper.

In England, the lowest silver coin is six-pence, which is equal to twelve coppers, and therefore the resource to coppers for change, or for the purchase of small articles under the value of six-pence is frequently recurring; but if in America we were to coin silver as low as the twentieth part of a dollar, which would be pieces of five cents, the occasion for coppers would be very much diminished, and such pieces would be nearly of the size of the French silver six sous. I think the policy is in favor of keeping as much silver coin as we can in the country; and this is one of my motives for excluding copper as much as possible.

Some denomination under the five cent pieces would still be necessary — but as the occasions would be diminished, a small quantity would be sufficient. It is convenience only that ought to be considered with respect to copper coinage, and not money or riches. It was going on this last idea instead of the first one that entangled the former Congress and the several States. They attempted to do what no other nation ever thought of doing, and which is impossible to do — that of exalting copper into national wealth. Nature has fixed its boundary and we must keep to it.

It is therefore something by which to divide the five cent silver pieces, that appears to me the only thing to be considered with respect to a copper coinage. This may be done either by coining copper cents of the size and intrinsic value they ought to be, which will prevent their being counterfeited, or depreciated, or to coin or stamp small copper pieces, as a sort of treasury notes, or notes of the mint, of the nominal value of one, two, and three cents, to be exchanged, if any person chuses to exchange them, at the treasury or the mint for silver. These will be more durable than paper tickets, and capable of being extended over the continent without the danger of wearing out; and people will not compare the value of them by the metal they contain, but by the obligation to exchange them for silver if required. To prevent their being counterfeited they should not be a tender for any thing above five cents, or more than five in any one payment; as they would be merely for the purpose of dividing the silver cents by, and not for the purpose of supplying the place of silver coin in large quantities, but the mint or the treasury should always exchange them to any amount, though the amount can never be much at any one time.

To give these notes the opportunity of getting into circulation no faster, nor in greater quantities than the occasions for them require, the mint should not issue them in payment, but have them in readiness for merchants, shop-keepers, &c. to fetch away by sale in exchange for silver or gold. This used to be the way the copper coinage at the tower of London got into circulation; Every shop-keeper knew where to go to get ten or twenty shillings worth.

Congress could sustain no inconvenience, nor run any risk in exchanging those pieces for silver whenever they should be presented, because the value of them in silver would be deposited when they were first taken away. The difference between coining cents of their full value by weight, which they must have if they are to depend on their own worth for a currency, and coining copper notes, whose value is to depend upon their being exchangeable for silver at the mint, is, that the first of these methods is more than double the expence of the last, and the convenience to the public not so great, nor the security so good. If twenty thousand dollars worth of nominal cents or notes were coined, the saving in metal and workmanship would be upwards of one-half, and Congress would have the nominal value of them realized in silver. This difference between the two methods is equal to the first years expence in establishing a mint. To consider copper only as change, or as a medium by which to divide the silver coin, and to permit it to come out no faster than it shall be called for, will always prevent inconvenience in the copper coinage. The contract for 100,000 pounds (lawful) of copper coinage, is, I believe, ten times more than can be circulated, because it will only circulate as change. Of the profits which the contractors calculated upon, I send you a specimen upon six hundred weight of copper.

600 wt of West-India copper in utensils, at 8d pr. lb. York, or 6d lawful money — £ 15 0 0

*Melting, Casting, and plating.

Four hands at casting, 2?6 — £ 0 10 0

One hand at plating — £ 0 3 0

50 bushels coal — £ 0 10 5

Salt — £ 0 1 0

Molasses — £ 0 1 0

1 5 5

Coining.

One man cleaning and boiling 0 2 6

Four at the cutting mill 2?6 1 10 0

Fifteen at stamping do. 1 17 6

2 10 0

Six shillings the dollar £18 5 5

Three English coppers new from the mint at the tower (London) weigh 1 ounce avoirdupois — consequently 1 lb. wt. copper coins 48 coppers, and 600 wt. coins 28,800, which at 108 to the dollar is £80 0 0. All these estimations are at 6s the dollar. From this may very easily be calculated the profits which the contractors expected to make upon £100,000. The expence of the machinery is to be added, as I have only stated the manual expence and materials.

Quitting this part of the subject, I come to make some considerations on the silver coin.

Opportunities for procuring silver and gold for coining do not present themselves like those for copper; but they undoubtedly would present themselves more frequently if a mint were established. As every nation puts some value upon its coin, the coin passes for more than the metal is worth — if, therefore, we are charged for the expence of making Spanish dollars, we had better make dollars for ourselves, provided we can procure the silver in bars. But until we have a mint the importation of silver will continue to be made in coin, because what can a merchant do with silver or gold in bars or ingots where there is no mint.

It therefore rests to know whether silver in bars or gold in ingots, or any other way not coin, can be procured cheaper than in coin, and what the difference is.

The most effectual method to acquire this knowledge and to procure silver in bars, is to establish a mint, and to deliver to every importer of bars, or other person, the nett produce in coin which his bars shall produce.

The price of silver in bars at the bullion-office in the bank (London) is 5?1 1-2 — the price of silver in new Mexican dollars is 4?11 1-2 — the difference is 2d. or the 27th part of a dollar. It is hardly to be supposed that we pay to the amount of this difference at the Havannah or elsewhere in receiving dollars instead of silver unmanufactured into coin — if we do, we pay above four times the price we can manufacture the coin for ourselves, provided we can procure the silver in that proportion.

Twenty-five men will be able to complete 4,000 dollars per day from the bars. A million of dollars, coined within the space of about a year and a half, at one cent per dollar, will pay all the expence of labor, and the price of machinery necessary for such an operation, after which the expence per dollar will diminish, provided the men are kept employed.

The following is given me as a tolerable proportionate estimate of the expence of coining copper, silver and gold, into cents, dollars and half-joes;

The labor of 25 men will coin, per day, about — 10,000 coppers, or 4,000 dollars, or 2,200 half-joes.

By this it appears that the expence of coining copper is about forty times greater than that of silver, and about two hundred times greater than that of gold. This furnishes an additional reason against copper coinage.

It may perhaps be asked, that if the importer of silver in bars is to receive the exact produce of his bars from the mint, in coin, where will be the advantage? I answer, that the advantage in the first instance will be to the importer, because he gets more dollars for his cargo than he would by receiving dollars at the place of sale, and this is his inducement to bring in bars. The advantage in the second instance, is to the whole country, because it makes a greater quantity of money than there would be by importing the silver in coin. If the difference is 1-27th in a dollar, and bars can be procured instead of Spanish dollars, the increase of silver money in the country would be as 112 is to 108.

There is another circumstance by which money would increase in the country if a mint were established, which is from the old silver plate which is now sent to England, and it is not improbable that some old silver plate might come from the West-Indies. But until there is a mint, we must remain ignorant of the resources by which silver and gold are to be obtained.

The whole apparatus of a mint can be made in America. The only thing necessary to import will be a small quantity of cast-steel, which is an article not made in America.

The following is a tolerable estimate of the expense of as much machinery as will be sufficient to begin with, as it can occasionally be employed in gold, silver, and copper,

1 coining mill — 450 Dols.

2 cutting mills — 180

1 plating mill for copper — 270

1 do. for silver — 180

1 do. for gold — 180

1 set of ingots, cast-steel, small tools, etc. — 250

1500

Coining is a new business in America. Those who have proposed contracts, knew, either of themselves, or from those who were to execute, what they were doing, but they supposed Congress to know nothing of the matter. Accident and a turn for mechanics have thrown me into a knowledge of their plans, and the profits they expected to make.

Whenever Congress goes into this business it will be best to do it on their own account. The experience will cost something, but it will be worth obtaining, and the cheapest way of obtaining it. The fact is, that the American coiners can afford to manufacture coppers and send them to England cheaper than the English coiners can send them to America. In England copper is about 10d or 10 1-2 sterling per lb. but old copper from the West-Indies is not half that price. When copper coining first began in the New-England states, a person concerned in that business has since told me, that he sent his son to the West-Indies to see after copper — that in the possession of one person, at Providence, he found upwards of 50 tons, which was offered him at the rate of 15 lb. for a dollar. When it is considered how great the exportation of copper utensils must annually be from England to the islands, and that they are a drug after they are worn out, and have no market for the old copper, but in America, it will be easy to account for the plans, schemes and proposed contracts that have been lately set on foot.

In contemplating the extent of a mint, I carry my mind a little further than the business of counting. The introduction of such a machinery as coining requires, will serve to bring forward those kind of arts which are connected with it, such as making buttons of various kinds. The mint may also be an Assay office for wrought plate, which will considerably contribute towards defraying the expence of the mint, at least it will be a convenient appendix to it — and the having an Assay office will promote the manufactory of plate in America, and prevent that branch of business going to England, which it now does from the want of that confidence in the purity of the metal which an Assay office would give. An Assay office is much wanted in Philadelphia. Before the war a bill was brought into the Assembly to appoint an Assay master, but the Governor refused passing the bill unless he had the appointment of the person, and the matter dropt, and has not been since revived — But it ought to be connected with the mint, as the standard for metals comes properly into that department. The silversmiths who bring the plate pay something for the stamp, and the office, as well for the seller as the buyer is a very necessary one.

From the original letter at the Library of Congress

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London Novr 2, 1791

Dear Sir

I received your favour conveying a letter from Mr. Jefferson and the ans. to Publicola for which I thank you. I had John Adams in my mind when I wrote the pamphlet and it has hit as I expected.

M. Lenobia who presents you this is come to pass a few days at Paris. He is a bon republicain and you will oblige me much by introducing him among our friends of bon foi. – I am again in the press but shall not be out till about Christmas, when the Town will begin to fill. By what I can find, the Government Gentry begin to threaten – they have already tried all the under-plots of abuse and scurrility without effect, and have managed those in general so badly as to make the work and the author the more famous – several ans. also have been written against it which did not excite reading enough to pay the expence of printing –

I have but one way to be secure in my next work which is, to go further than in my first, I see that great rogues escape by the excess of their crimes, and, perhaps, it may be the same in honest cases. However, I shall make a pretty large division in the public opinion, probably too much so, to encourage the Government to put it to issue, for it will be rather like begging them than me.

By all the accounts we have here, the french emigrants are in a hopeless condition abroad, for my own part I never saw anything to fear from foreign Courts – they are more afraid of the french Revolution than the revolution needs to be of them, and the same caution which they take to prevent the french principles getting among their Armies will prevent their sending Armies among the principles.

We have distressing accounts here from St. Domingo. It is the natural consequence of Slavery and must be expected every where. The Negroes are enraged at the opposition made to their relief and are determined, if not to relieve themselves, to punish their enemies. We have no new accounts from the East Indies, and people are in much doubt.

I am affectionately yours

THOMAS PAINE

ADDRESS AND DECLARATION AT A SELECT MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF UNIVERSAL PEACE AND LIBERTY, HELD AT THE THATCHED HOUSE TAVERN, ST. JAMES’ STREET, AUGUST 20, 1791, THE FOLLOWING ADDRESS AND DECLARATION TO OUR FELLOW CITIZENS WAS AGREED ON AND ORDERED TO BE PUBLISHED

Philip Foner’s introduction:

Paine returned to England on July 13, 1791. A month later he issued the following Address and Declaration of the Friends of Universal Peace and Liberty, in which he defended the French Revolution to England. This manifesto, revealing Paine’s advanced revolutionary sentiments, was originally signed by J. Horne Tooke, as chairman of the London meeting. Later Paine acknowledged its authorship. [in Rights of Man]

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FRIENDS AND FELLOW CITIZENS: At a moment like the present, when willful misrepresentations are industriously spread by the partisans of arbitrary power, and the advocates of passive obedience and court government, we think it incumbent on us to declare to the world our principles, and the motives of our conduct.

We rejoice at the glorious event of the French Revolution.

If it be asked: What is the French Revolution to us? We answer (as it has been already answered in another place (Declaration of the Volunteers of Belfast.-Author.) ) It is much to us as men: much to us as Englishmen.

As men we rejoice in the freedom of twenty-five millions of our fellow men. We rejoice in the prospect which such a magnificent example opens to the world. We congratulate the French nation for having laid the axe to the root of tyranny, and for erecting government on the sacred hereditary rights of man-rights which appertain to ALL, and not to any one more than to another. We know of no human authority superior to that of a whole nation; and we profess and proclaim it as our principle that every nation has at all times an inherent indefeasible right to constitute and establish such government for itself as best accords with its disposition, interest, and happiness.

As Englishmen we also rejoice, because we are immediately interested in the French Revolution.

Without inquiring into the justice on either side of the reproachful charges of intrigue and ambition, which the English and French courts have constantly made on each other, we confine ourselves to this observation : That if the Court of France only was in fault, and the numerous wars which have distressed both countries are chargeable to her alone, that Court now exists no longer; and the cause and the consequence must cease together. The French, therefore, by the revolution they have made, have conquered for us as well as for themselves; if it be true that their Court only was in fault, and ours never.

On this state of the case, the French Revolution concerns us immediately. We are oppressed with a heavy national debt, a burden of taxes, and an expensive administration of government, beyond those of any people in the world. We have also a very numerous poor; and we hold that the moral obligation of providing for old age, helpless infancy, and poverty, is far superior to that of supplying the invented wants of courtly extravagance, ambition and intrigue.

We believe there is no instance to’ be produced but in England, of seven million inhabitants, which make but little more than one million of families, paying yearly SEVENTEEN MILLIONS of taxes.

As it has always been held out by all administrations that the restless ambition of the Court of France rendered this expense necessary to us for our own defense, we consequently rejoice as men deeply interested in the French Revolution, for that Court, as we have already said, exists no longer; and consequently the same enormous expenses need not continue to us.

Thus rejoicing, as we sincerely do, both as men and Englishmen, as lovers of universal peace and freedom, and as friends to our own national prosperity, and a reduction of our public expenses, we cannot but express our astonishment that any part, or any members of our own government, should reprobate the extinction of that very power in France, or wish to see it restored, to whose influence they formerly attributed (while they appeared to lament) the enormous increase of our own burdens and taxes.

What, then, are they sorry that the pretense for new and oppressive taxes, and the occasion for continuing many of the old taxes, will be at an end? If so, and if it is the policy of courts and of court governments, to prefer enemies to friends, and a system of war to that of peace, as affording more pretenses for places, offices, pensions, revenue and taxation, it is high time for the people of every nation to look with circumspection to their own interests.

Those who pay the expense, and not those who participate in the emoluments arising from it, are the persons immediately interested in inquiries of this kind. We are a part of that national body on whom this annual expense of seventeen millions falls; and we consider the present opportunity of the French Revolution as a most happy one for lessening the enormous load under which this nation groans. If this be not done we shall then have reason to conclude that the cry of intrigue and ambition against other courts is no more than the common cant of all courts.

We think it also necessary to express our astonishment that a government, desirous of being called FREE, should prefer connection with the most despotic and arbitrary powers in Europe. We know of none more deserving this description than those of Turkey and Prussia, and the whole combination of German despots. Separated, as we happily are by nature, from the tumults of the Continent, we reprobate all systems and intrigues which sacrifice (and that, too, at a great expense), the blessings of our natural situation! Such systems cannot have a national origin.

If we are asked, what government is ? We hold it to be nothing more than a NATIONAL ASSOCIATION, and we hold that to be the best which secures to every man his rights, and promotes the greatest quantity of happiness with the least expense.

We live to improve, or we live in vain; and therefore we admit of no maxims of government or policy on the mere score of antiquity, or other men’s authority, the old Whigs or the new.

We will exercise the reason with which we are endued, or we possess it unworthily. As reason is given at all times, it is for the purpose of being used at all times.

Among the blessings which the French Revolution has produced to that nation, we enumerate the abolition of the feudal system of injustice and tyranny on the fourth of August, 1789. Beneath the feudal system all Europe has long groaned, and from it England is not yet free. Game laws, borough tenures, and tyrannical monopolies of numerous kinds, still remain among us; but rejoicing as we sincerely do, in the freedom of others, till we shall happily accomplish our own, we intended to commemorate this prelude to the universal extirpation of the feudal system, by meeting on the anniversary of that day (the fourth of August) at the Crown and Anchor.

From this meeting we were prevented by the interference of certain unnamed and skulking persons with the master of the tavern, who informed us, that on their representations he could not receive us. Let those who live by, or countenance feudal oppressions, take the reproach of this ineffectual meanness and cowardice to themselves. They cannot stifle the public declaration of our honest, open, and avowed opinions.

These are our principles, and these our sentiments. They embrace the interest and happiness of the great body of the nation of which we are a part. As to riots and tumults, let those answer for them, who, by willful misrepresentations, endeavor to excite and promote them; or who seek to stun the sense of the nation, and to lose the great cause of public good in the outrages of a misinformed mob. We take our ground on principles that require no such riotous aid. We have nothing to apprehend from the poor; for we are pleading their cause. And we fear not proud oppression, for we have truth on our side.

We say, and we repeat it, that the French Revolution opens to the world an opportunity in which all good citizens must rejoice-that of promoting the general happiness of man. And that it moreover offers to this country in particular, an opportunity of reducing our enormous taxes.

These are our objects, and we will pursue them.

J. HORNE TOOKE,

Chairman.

Images above and transcript below from the original letter at the Library of Congress.

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London July 21st – 1791

Dear Sir

I received your favour of last Augt – by Col. Humphries since which I have not written to or heard from you. I mention this that you may know no letters have miscarried. I took the liberty of addressing my late work “Rights of Man,” to you; but tho’ I left it, at that time, to find its way to you, I now request your acceptance of fifty copies as a token of remembrance to yourself and my Friends. – The work has had a run beyond anything that has been published in this Country on the subject of Government, and the demand continues. In Ireland it has had a much greater. A letter I recd from Dublin 10th of May mentioned that the fourth edition was then on sale, I know not what number of copies were printed at each edition except the second, which was ten thousand. The same fate follows me here as I at first experienced in America, strong friends and violent enemies, but as I have got the ear of the Country, I shall go on, and at least shew them, what is a novelty here, that there can be a person beyond the reach of Corruption.

I arrived here from france about ten days ago. M. de la Fayette is well. The affairs of that Country are verging to a new Crisis, whether the Government shall be monarchical and hereditary or wholly representative? I think the latter opinion will very generally prevail in the end. On this question the people are much forwarder than the National Assembly.

After the establishment of the American Revolution, it did not appear to me that any object could arise great enough to engage me a second time. I began to feel myself happy in being quiet; but I now experience that principle is not confined to time or place, and that the ardour of Seventy six is capable of renewing itself. I have another work on hand which I intend shall be my last, for I long much to return to America.

It is not natural that fame should wish for a rival, but the case is otherwise with me, for I do most sincerely wish there was some person in this Country that could usefully and successfully attract the public attention, and leave me with a satisfied mind to the enjoyment of quiet life: but it is painful to see errors and abuses and sit down a senseless spectator. Of this your own mind will interpret mine.

I have printed sixteen thousand copies; when the whole are gone of which there remain between three and four thousand I shall then make a cheap edition, just sufficient to bring in the price of the printing and paper, as I did by Common Sense.

Mr. Green who will present you this, has been very much my friend. I wanted last October to draw for fifty pounds on General Lewis Morris who has some money of mine, but as he is unknown in the commercial line, and American credit not very good, and my own expended, I could not succeed, especially as Gov’r Morris was then in Holland. Col. Humphries went with me to your agent Mr. Walsh, to whom I stated the case, and took the liberty of saying that I knew you would not think it a trouble to receive it of Gen. Morris on Mr. Walsh’s account, but he declined it. Mr. Green afterwards supplied me and I have since repaid him. He has a troublesome affair on his hands here, and is in danger of losing thirty or forty thousand pounds, embarked under the flag of the United State’s is East India property. The persons who have received it withhold it, and shelter themselves under some law contrivance. He wishes to state the case to Congress, not only on his own account, but as a matter that may be nationally interesting.

The public papers, will inform you of the riots and tumults at Birmingham, and of some disturbances at Paris, and as Mr. Green can retail them to you more particularly than I can do in a letter I leave those matters to his information.

I am Sir, with affectionate concern for your happiness and Mrs. Washington Your much Obliged Humble Servant,

THOMAS PAINE