Images above from Copy of letter from the American Philosophical Society show a copy of a letter from Thomas Paine to Sir Robert Smith where Paine writes the poem, “What is Love?”. The following is a transcript of the poem.

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To Mrs. Robert Smyth

WHAT IS LOVE?

IT IS that delightsome transport we can feel

Which painters cannot paint, nor words reveal,

Nor any art we know of can conceal.

Canst thou describe the sunbeams to the blind,

Or make him feel a shadow with his mind?

So neither can we by description show

This first of all felicities below.

When happy Love pours magic o’er the soul,

And all our thoughts in sweet delirium roll;

When contemplation spreads her rainbow wings,

And every flutter some new rapture brings;

How sweetly then our moments glide away,

And dreams repeat the raptures of the day;

We live in ecstasy, to all things kind,

For love can teach a moral to the mind.

But are there not some other marks that prove,

What is this wonder of the soul, call’d love?

O yes there are, but of a different kind,

The dreadful horrors of a dismal mind:

Some jealous fury throws her poison’d dart,

And rends in pieces the distracted heart.

When love’s a tyrant, and the soul a slave,

No hope remains to thought, but in the grave;

In that dark den it sees an end to grief,

And what was once its dread becomes relief.

What are the iron chains that hands have wrought?

The hardest chain to break is made of thought.

Think well of this, ye lovers, and be kind,

Nor play with torture on a tortured min

Image above and transcript below from the original letter at the Library of Congress

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Dear Sir

I enclose you a piece to serve as an introduction to two other pieces which you will receive by the same Conveyance. I observe the Consul Le Brun at the entertainment given to the American envoys gave for his toast.

“À l’Union de l’Amérique avec les puissances du Nord pour faire respectre la liberté des mers.”

T. P –

Oct. 6

Images above and transcript below from the original letter at the Library of Congress

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Dear Sir

I understand there is an Article in the Treaty to the following purport, that the duties payable upon Articles brought from America into france shall not go to the revenue, but shall be appropriated as a fund to pay such of the condemned Cargoes as shall be proved to be American property. If you should be in the chair, but not otherwise, I offer myself as one upon this business, if there should be any occasion to appoint any. It will serve to defray my expences until I can return, but I wish it may be with the condition of returning. I am not tired of working for nothing but I cannot afford it. This appointment will aid me in promoting the object I am now upon that of a law of nations for the protection of neutral Commerce.

Salut et respect

THOMAS PAINE.

Paris Oct 4 1800

Front page above. All pages and transcript below from the original letter at the Library of Congress

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In the present Crisis of Politics a question naturally suggests itself, which is, Whether in a treaty of Peace with Austria, any measures should be taken, on the part of France, towards a Peace with England? The answer to this question, in all its cases, is the monosyllable NO. But as a positive decision affirmative or negative, ought to be the result of all the reasons for and against, I go to give the reason for this decision.

Because it is evident from all the conduct of the British government that it pins itself for safety upon Austria, and therefore, if in the final event, a peace is to be concluded with England it can be done better when that Country has no ally on the continent that whilst she has.

Because, taking England into consideration as a Party, at the time a peace is in treaty with Austria, will embarrass the peace with Austria. It is clear that the british makes use of Austria, at this moment, for no other purpose than to get terms for herself at the expence of Austria; And Austria is foolish if she does not see this.

But independently of these considerations the internal State of England, at this moment, is such, as makes it impolitic for France to press her on the subject of Peace.

There is, to my knowledge, a great change in the political principles of that Country. Besides the aversion which many of them have to the hanover family, there are much greater numbers who have an aversion to hereditary succession, and wish to establish Government by representation. This Idea never occurred to them before.

Another Case is, a change in their system of finance. Ever since the Bank stopped payment in cash because it had not cash to pay, there circulates in England nothing but Paper, and as paper can be multiplied at pleasure the quantity is already too great. The nominal high price of the necessaries of life in England is owing to this excess of paper.

The Credit of this paper depends more upon what the french Government will do, than upon what the English Goevrnment can do. It was the hope of Conquest, and is now the hope of Peace, that keeps it up. The first hope is gone. Render the second doubtfull and the same doubtfulness will attach itself to the paper.

Mr. Pitt in making up his account of the revenue which was laid before Parliament 31 July (see Moniteur 23 Thermido) says, Article 22. Suppose que la guerre sinesse dans l’armee 1800 que le prix mayen des de 3 per cents cons-reste pendant 3 ans après la paix à 80 et qu’ensen l’income Tax produire 7 millions par an le capital de 56,440,000 sterling et les intérêts seront rachetés dans la course de l’année 1808.

The direct inference from this is, that as all hope of conquering France has vanished, Pitt is now amusing the nation with the prospect of Peace this present year, to take off the impression which the Idea of a separate peace with Austria would have upon his paper system. The credit of Paper is suspicion asleep. When suspicion wakes the Credit vanishes as the dream would do.

England never was before in the situation she is in today as to revenue concerns. The whole is paper. It used to be said in England that “money was the sinews of war“; but this cannot be said of paper, which resting altogether upon Circumstance, accident, and opinion has no sinews. — And as to commerce, of which Mr. Pitt boasts so much, there must be something rotten at the Center where a great Commerce procures nothing but Paper. The same case has happened at Hamburg. That place has been the Center of Commerce and is now the center of bankruptcy.

England has a large Navy and the expence of it leads to her ruin. The profits of all the Commerce of the World is not equal to the expence which such a Navy costs. If the expence of protecting Commerce is to be subtracted from the profits of it, it is evident that England loses by Commerce because the expence is greater than the profits and the deficiency is filled up with paper.

As the finances of England are in the state I have described, I come to speak of the matters that will make the most impression upon this paper system, to which the british cabinet has retreated as its last resource, and beyond which it has not another.

It is evident from experience that no defeat of the Austrians that has yet happened, nor the defeat of the English at Helder, has made any, or not much, impression on this paper system. On the contrary I have often observed that it rose after such an Event. It did so upon the defeat of Milas at Maring’s, and the reason is, that as the Nation is tired of the War, and wishing for an end to it, and for peace, and as it feels from the temper of the parties that an end will not arrive ’till one or other of them on the Continent be totally defeated (believing at the same time, its ownself secure, by its distance from the theatre of War, and its insular situation) it calculates upon defeat as it would upon Victory.

It must then be something nearer home that will make any serious impression, and that something is within the power of france to do, or at least to make preparation for doing, and the preparation itself would have some effect.

The weak part of England is the Coast on the North Sea from the mouth of the Thames to Scotland. It is this that makes the british Cabinet so opposed to the Union of Belgia to France. It is opposite to that weak part. Dunkirk which was formerly the most northerly port that France had on the North Sea, and it was thought important enough to the british Cabinet to stipulate for the demolition of it in a former treaty of Peace. It is not so much the quantity of Belgic territory that troubles England; it is the situation of it, for as she cannot but know her own weak part, and that Belgia is opposite to it, she knows that it is from Belgia, and more so with the Aid of Holland, that a descent upon England can best be made and that without a Navy.

The English coast on the North Sea is not only weak but can never be made strong. The whole of its extent for about 120 leagues is a flat, clean, dry, sandy shore where a boat can land, and where a ship of the line cannot approach; neither is there a port in it where a ship of the line can enter.

A Plan for a descent upon this Coast was given to Boissy D’Anglas to be given to the Citizen Carnot when he was president of the Directory. The same plan, in English, was given to Pravelliere Lepeaux (who understands english) when he was President of the Directory, after the Peace of Campo Tornaio. The directory adopted the Plan, but whether really or only as a feint to cover the expedition to Egypt, which was then preparing, themselves know best. The Plan was to build a thousand Gun boats each carrying a 24 pounder in the bow, and about an hundred men and to be rowed by Oars. The boats would not have cost more than four ships of the line would cost, and the british Cabinet would apprehend more danger from them as to a descent, than from any Navy that France can raise for many years to come. About 250 boats were built and the plan abandoned; since which the british Cabinet has been under the apprehension of a descent and its paper Credit has kept up in Consequence of it.

It may he recalled that about a year and half ago the british made a descent at Ostine, where about 2000 of them were made prisoners. I doubt if the object of that expedition be known to the french Government to this day. It was in search of the Gun-boats and to cut the dykes to prevent their being assembled. I had this from the President of the municipality of Bruges, Joseph Vanhuile, an old acquaintance of mine when I was at Bruges last Winter. Himself had it from the officers who commanded the expedition.

Whenever a descent be made upon England it must be from the Belgic Coast to the opposite Coast. It is an opportunity which the union with Belgia gives to france, and she must improve that opportunity as a substitute for the los of her Navy, which was always an expence without doing her any, or but little, service. It is the situation and natural condition of the two shores that point out the opportunity I am speaking of. Were the English shore on the North Sea as bold, and as capable of defence as the Shore on the Channel, and had ports in it like Portsmouth and Plymouth, England would fear no more from Belgia than she now fears from Picardy, Normandy and Britainy.

Supposing then a Peace to take place with Austria, leaving England out of the question, What are the means that france should employ to accomplish any object necessary to her safety against England?

It will take many years to raise a Navy and still more to rear up Sailors to man it. A Navy is a thing of slow growth, and that which france is something which can be done in a little time and at a small expence, and in which but few sailors are necessary. — The most effectual Plan therefore will be to go on with the Plan of Gun-boats and to compleat the number first intended. There are but two ways to arrive in England. The one by defeating the English Navy the other by alluding it. The former is the business of Ships of the line, the other of Gun-boats, and the chance of the latter in the North Sea, is much greater than that of the former in the channel.

At the time the Gun-boats are preparing to depart there should be an expedition from Brest, or better from Rochelle, having on board about 150,000 men. The expedition should stand out far to the West or south-West, then steering North, keeping far to the West of Ireland, and land in the North of Scotland. The french revolution has many friends in that Country, and the destination will not be suspected. This is the only part of the plan that is necessary to keep secret. The descent that was made there in 1745 had nearly proved fatal to the Anglo-hanoverian Government of England. That small force, with its partisans penetrated to the Center of England and then retreated.

If the descent by Gun-boats and the expedition to Scotland do but arrive, the fate of the Government of England is decided.

First page above. All pages and transcript below from the original letter at the Library of Congress

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Dear Sir

I wrote to you from Havre by the ship Dublin Packet in the year 1797. It was then my intention to return to America, but there were so many British frigates cruising in sight of the port, and which after a few days knew that I was at Havre waiting to go to America, that I did not think it to trust myself to their discretion, and the more so, as I had no confidence in the Capt. of the Dublin Packet (Clay).

I mentioned to you in that letter, which I believe you received through the hands of Col. Burr, that I was glad, since you were not President, (paragraph crossed out)

The Commissioners Ellsworth and Co. have been here about eight months, and three more useless mortals never came upon public business. Their presence appears to me to have been rather an injury than a benefit. They set themselves up for a faction as soon as they arrived. I was then in Belgia. –

Upon my return to Paris I learned they had made a point of not returning the visits of Mr. Skipwith and Barlow, because, they said, they had not the confidence of the executive. Every known republican was treated in the same manner. I learned from Mr. Miller of Philadelphia, who had occasion to see them upon business, that they did not intend to return my visit, if I made one. This, I supposed, was intended I should know, that I might not make one. It had the contrary effect. I went to see Mr. Ellsworth. I told him I did not come to see him as a Commissioner, nor to congratulate him upon his mission; that I came to see him because I had formerly known him in Congress. – I mean not, said I, to press you with any questions or to engage you in any conversation upon the business you are come upon, but I will nevertheless candidly say that I know not what expectations the Government or the people of America may have of your mission, or what expectations you may have yourselves, but I believe you will find you can do but little. The treaty with England lies at the threshold of all your business – The American Government never did two more foolish things than when it signed that Treaty, and recalled Mr. Monroe, who was the only man could do them any service. – Mr. Ellsworth put on the dull gravity of a judge, and was silent. – I added, you may, perhaps, make a treaty, like that you have made with England, which is a surrender of the rights of the American flag; for the principle that neutral ships make neutral property must be general or not at all. – I then changed the subject, for I had all the talk to myself upon this topic and inquired after Samuel Adams (I asked nothing about John), Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Monroe and others of my friends, and the melancholy case of the yellow fever, of which he gave me as circumstantial an account as if he had been summing up a case to a Jury. Here my visit ended, and had Mr. Ellsworth been as cunning as a Statesman, or as wise as a Judge, he would have returned my visit that he might appear insensible of the intention of mine.

I now come to the affairs of this Country and of Europe. You will, I suppose, have heard before this arrives to you, of the battle of Maringo in Italy where the Austrians were defeated — of the armistice in consequence thereof, and the surrender of Milan, Genoa,&c. to the french — of the successes of the french Army in Germany — and the extension of the armistice in that quarter — of the preliminaries of Peace signed at Paris — Of the refusal of the Emperor to ratify these preliminaries — of the breaking of the Armistice by the french Government in consequence of that refusal — Of the gallant expedition of the Emperor to put himself at the head of his Army — of his pompous arrival there — Of his having made his will — Of prayers being put in all his Churches for the preservation of the life of this Hero — Of General Moreau announcing to him, immediately on his arrival at the army that hostilities would commence the day after the next at sunrise unless he signed the treaty or gave security that he would sign within 45 days — Of his surrendering up three of the principal Keys of Germany, Ulm, Philipsburg, and Ingolstadt, as security that he would sign them. This is the state things are now in, at the time of writing this letter; but it is proper to add that the refusal of the Emperor to sign the preliminaries was motivated upon a note from the king of England to be admitted to the Congress for negotiating Peace, which was consented to by the french upon the condition of an Armistice at Sea, which England, before knowing of the surrender the Emperor had made, had refused. From all which it appears to me, judging from Circumstances, that the Emperor is now so completely in the hands of the french, that he has no way of getting out but by a peace. The Congress for the peace is to be held at Luneville, a town in france. Since the affair of Rastad the french Commissioners will not trust themselves with the Emperor’s territory.

I now come to domestic Affairs. I know not what the Commissioners have done but from a paper I enclose to you, which appears to have some authority, it is not much. The paper as you will perceive is considerably prior to this letter. I know that the Commissioners before this piece appeared intended setting off. It is therefore probable that what they have done is conformable to what this paper mentions – which certainly will not atone for the expence their mission has incurred, neither are they by all the accounts I hear of them men fitted for the business.

But independently of these matters there appears to be a state of circumstances rising, which if it goes on, will render all partial treaties unnecessary. In the first place, I doubt if any peace will be made with England; and in the second place, I should not wonder to see a coalition formed against her, to compel her to abandon her insolence on the Seas. This brings me to speak of the manuscripts I sent you.

The piece No. 1, without any title, was written in consequence of a question put to me by Bonaparte. As he supposed I knew England and English Politics he sent a person to me to ask, that in case of negotiating a Peace with Austria, whether it would be proper to include England. This was when Count St. Julian was in Paris, on the part of the Emperor negotiating the preliminaries: – which as I have before said the Emperor refused to sign on the pretense of admitting England.

The piece No. 2, entitled, On the Jacobinism of the English at Sea, was written when the English made their insolent and impolitic expedition to Denmark, and is also an auxiliary to the politics of No. 1. – I shewed it to a friend who had it translated into french and printed in the form of a Pamphlet, and distributed gratis among the foreign ministers, and persons in the government. It was immediately copied into several of the french Journals, and into the official Paper, the Moniteur. It appeared in this paper one day before the last despatch arrived from Egypt; which agreed perfectly with what I had said respecting Egypt. It hit the two cases of Denmark and Egypt in the exact proper moment.

The piece No. 3 entitled Compact Maritime is the sequel of No. 2 digested in form. It is translating at the time I write this letter, and I am to have a meeting with the Senator Garat upon the subject. The pieces 2 & 3 go off in manuscript to England by a confidential person where they will be published.

By all the news we get from the North there appears to be something meditating against England. It is now given for certain that Paul has embargoed all the English vessels and English property in Russia, till some principle be established for protecting the Rights of Neutral Nations, and securing the liberty of the Seas. The preparations in Denmark continue notwithstanding the Convention that she has been made with England, which leaves the question with respect to the right set up by England to stop and search neutral Vessels, undecided. I send you the paragraphs upon the subject.

The tumults are great in all parts of England on account of the excessive price of corn and bread, which has risen since the harvest. I attribute it more to the abundant encrease of paper, and the non-circulation of Cash, than to any other Cause. People in Trade can push the paper off as fast as they receive it, as they did by continental money in America; but as farmers have not this opportunity, they endeavour to secure themselves by going considerably in advance.

I have now given you all the great articles of Intelligence for I trouble not myself with little ones, and consequently not with the Commissioners, nor any thing they are about, nor with John Adams otherwise than to wish him safe home, and a better and wiser man in his place.

In the present state of circumstances and the prospects arising from them, it may be proper for America to consider, whether it is worth her while to enter into any treaty at this moment, or to wait the event of those Circumstances, which if they go on will render partial treaties useless by deranging them. But if, in the mean time, she enters into any treaty it ought to be with a condition to the following purpose Reserving to herself the right of joining in an Association of Nations for the protection of the rights of Neutral Commerce and the security of the liberty of the Seas.

The pieces 2, 3, may go to the press. They will make a small pamphlet and the printers are welcome to put my name to it. It is best it should be put. From thence they will get into the newspapers. I know that the faction of John Adams abuses me pretty heartily. They are welcome. It does not disturb me, and they lose their labour; and in return for it I am doing America more service, as a neutral nation, than their expensive Commissioners can do and she has that service from me for nothing. The piece No. 1 is only for your own amusement and that of your friends — I come now to speak confidentially to you on a private subject.

When Mr. Ellsworth and Davies return to America, Murray will return to Holland, and in that case, there will be nobody in Paris but Mr. Skipwith that has been in the habit of transacting business with the french Government since the revolution began. He is on a good standing with them, and if the chance of the day should place you in the presidency you cannot do better than appoint him for any purpose you may have occasion for in France. He is an honest man and will do his Country Justice, and that with Civility and good manners to the government he is commissioned to act with; a faculty which that Northern Bear Timothy Pickering wanted, and which the Bear of that Bear, John Adams, never possessed.

I know not much of Mr. Murray, otherwise than of his unfriendliness to every American who is not of his faction, but I am sure that Joel Barlow is a much fitter man to be in Holland than Mr. Murray. It is upon the fitness of the man to the place that I speak for I have not communicated a thought upon the subject to Barlow, neither does he know, at the time of my writing this (for he is at Havre), that I have intention to do it.

I will now, by way of relief, amuse you with some account of the progress of Iron Bridges.

The french revolution and Mr. Burke’s attack upon it, drew me off from any pontifical Works. Since my coming from England in 92, an Iron Bridge of a single arch 236 feet span, versed sine 34 feet, has been cast at the Iron Works of the Walkers where my Model was, and erected over the river Waer at Sunderland in the County of Durham in England. The two members in Parliament for the County Mr. Bourdon and Mr. Milbank were the principal subscribers; but the direction was committed to Mr. Bourdon. A very sincere friend of mine, Sir Robt Smyth who lives in france, and whom Mr. Monroe well knows, supposing they had taken their plan from my Mode, wrote to Mr. Milbank upon the subject. Mr. Milbank answered the letter, which answer I have by me and I give you word for word the part concerning the Bridge. “With respect to the Bridge over the river Waer at Sunderland it certainly is a Work well deserving admiration both for its structure and utility, and I have good grounds for saying that the first Idea was taken from Mr. Paine’s bridge exhibited at Paddington. But with respect to any compensation to Mr. Paine, however desirous of rewarding the labours of an ingenious man, Mr. Paine, I see not how it is in my power, having had nothing to do with the bridge after the payment of my subscription, Mr. Bourdon being accountable for the whole. But if you can point out any mode by which I can be instrumental in procuring for Mr. Paine Compensation for the advantages which the public may have derived from his ingenious model, from which certainly the outlines of the Bridge at Sunderland was taken, be assured it will afford me great satisfaction.”

I have now made two other models. One in pasteboard five feet span, and five inches of height from the cord. It is in the opinion of every person who has seen it one of the most beautiful objects the eye can behold. I then cast a model in metal following the construction of that in paste-board and of the same dimensions. The whole was executed in my own Chamber. It is far superior in strength, elegance, and readiness in execution to the model I made in America, and which you saw in Paris. I shall bring those models with me when I come home, which will be as soon as I can pass the Seas in safety from the piratical John Bulls.

I suppose you have seen, or have heard of the Bishop of Llandaff’s Answer to my second part of The Age of Reason. As soon as I got copy of it I began a third part, which served also as an answer to the Bishop; but as soon as the clerical Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge knew of my intention to answer the Bishop, they prosecuted, as a Society, the printer of the first and second parts, to prevent that answer appearing. No other reason than this can be assigned for their prosecuting at the time they did, because the first part had been in circulation above three years and the second part more than one, and they prosecuted immediately on knowing that I was taking up their Champion. The bishop’s Answer, like Mr. Burke’s attack on the french revolution, served me as a background to bring forward other subjects upon with more advantage than if the background was not there. This is the motive that induced me to answer him, otherwise I should have gone on without taking any notice of him. I have made and am still making additions to the manuscript and shall continue to do so till an opportunity arrive for publishing it.

If any American frigate should come to france and the direction of it fall to you I will be glad you would give me the opportunity of returning. The abscess under which I suffered almost two years is entirely healed of itself, and I enjoy exceeding good health. This is the first of October, and Mr. Skipwith has just called to tell me the Commissioners set off for Havre tomorrow. This will go by the frigate but not with the knowledge of the Commissers. – Remember me with much affection to my friends and accept the same to yourself.

Thomas Paine

Paris 9 Thermidor year 9 Act. 1 1800 –