However, Paine’s valedictions changed over the course of the late 1780s. In a letter to Kitty Nicholson Few, he simply signed off with “Thomas Paine”—but only after writing “God bless you all! and send me safe back to my much loved America!” A letter to Jefferson closed with “I remain yours affectionately.” In 1790, Paine continued to sign his letters to friends with variations on “I am my dear friend yours very affectionately.” For more formal occasions, or addressing those in more elevated positions whom he respected, he would still use some variant of “your humble servant” such as in a letter to George Washington of October 26, 1789, where he signed it “your most affectiona. obedient Hblservant.”

For those to whom he bore some resentment or hostility, he omitted any valediction, adding only his signature. We see this in a letter to John King (1793), Gouverneur Morris(1794), and Daniel Isaacs Eaton (1795). But Paine’s most famously assertive valediction can be seen in his letter to Home Secretary Henry Dundas (of Britain), reproaching the latter for issuing a proclamation that sought to suppress “seditious” writings. Here, Paine signs his letter with great aplomb, writing “Not your obedient humble Servant, But the contrary, THOMAS PAINE.” A far cry indeed from his earlier valedictions!

Later in life, a new signature appeared: “Yours in friendship.” Less courtly, but so much more heartfelt!

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From 1768 to 1774, when Thomas Paine sailed to America, he lived in the town of Lewes, England. In his honor, a conference was organized in Sussex, January 9- 10, 2026, by Thomas Paine: Legacy; the University of Sussex; and the Iona University Institute for Thomas Paine Studies. About 40 scholars and Paine admirers met to share research findings and explore Paine’s life, work, and global influence,with a special focus on the 250th anniversary of Paine’s seminal work, Common Sense. They were also treated to tours of the charming medieval town of Lewes, and enjoyed experiencing part of the conference inside Bull House, Paine’s residence while in Lewes, now open regularly as a historic site and an aspiring “center for democracy.”

This article seeks to capture the major themes and only partially summarizes the wealth of information and wide range of perspectives exchanged during two full days of formal sessions and informal discussions. A number of presentations drew attention to the mutual influences between Paine and radical thinkers supporting working-class and suffrage reform movements in England, Scotland and Ireland in the late 18th and early 19th centuries.

Presentations also addressed the widespread influence of Paine’s ideas not only in England and America, but in France, Spanish America, and beyond. Starting with the German translation of Common Sense for the German community in Philadelphia, other Paine writings were thereafter translated into many languages. Participants often alluded to Common Sense as a living document, one that encourages people to think for themselves, evokes emotional responses, and deservesto be heard orally, as it often was when it was first published.

Presenters recognized Paine’s writing as a call to action against tyranny and dogma not only in 1776, but throughout the 19th century and one still relevant for our time.Paine was praised as a political philosopher who was practical in his approach to institutions and the work of good government, which he regarded as essential to protecting freedom and achieving equality.

Gregory Claeys, Professor Emeritus of History at Royal Holloway, University of London, and general editor of Paine’s new Collected Writings, delivered a keynote presentation entitled “Thomas Paine and Three Revolutions That Weren’t.” The presentation highlighted Paine’s roles in reform efforts in America, Britain, and France. Paine’s ideal was a universal democratic republic with limits on concentration of power and executive authority. He envisioned a forerunner to the modern welfare state, governed by a popularly elected legislature. As Claeys concluded, Paine’s ideal was unfulfilled in all three cases. In America, he was particularly disappointed by the Federalist constitution adopted in 1787.

PAINE AND THE JUNIUS LETTERS

A second keynote presentation was made by the respected political scientist and historian Danielle Allen, James Bryant Conant University Professor at Harvard. Like Claeys, Allen affirmed that Thomas Paine was forming his ideas and beginning to write eloquently long before he arrived in America. She described her discovery of a close relationship between Paine and Charles Lennox, the reformminded Duke of Richmond who lived near Lewes. Her research on Lennox will be published later in 2026 under the title Radical Duke: How One Aristocrat-and the American Revolution-Transformed Britain. Among other things, she looked closely at the Junius letters: seditious attacks on the British monarchy that called for universal male suffrage, published during the period from 1768-1772. The actual authors were kept secret, constituting a mystery for centuries. Allen has concluded that the Junius letters were underwritten by the Duke and that Paine was a key author of many of the letters, recruited by the Duke to advance his agenda. Allen reached her conclusions on the roles of the Duke and Paine in the Junius letters independently of the editorial team assembling Paine’s new Collected Writings, which also recognizes Paine’s hand in the Junius letters based on computer-assisted text analysis.

Paul Myles, member of the TPHA Board,reported on his continuing research into Paine’s early writing while in Lewes. Various presentations also examined Paine as a man with many gifts and a social being with varied friendships and influential networks throughout his career. His writings tell uslittle about his views on gender relationships. As one presenter described, he married a local Lewes woman and schoolteacher, Elizabeth Ollive, in 1771. Although their marriage dissolved in 1774, both the content of the separation agreement and the evident mutual respect between the two may provide an indication of Paine’s relatively enlightened perspective on women.

The enthusiasm and engagement of younger scholars in Lewes suggests that scholarship about Thomas Paine and exploration of the context and impact of his work will continue to yield new insights well into the future.

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The TPHA Cartoon collection offers viewers a vivid journey of how Paine’s public image has morphed over the last 250 years. Although there were some positive portrayals of Paine early on, his many enemies, both in Britain and America, eventually took aim at him with vitriolic, often violent imagery, seeking to defame him and attack his allies to quash his message of representative democracy and reason.

The gallery overflows with 1790s cartoons and sketches attacking Paine that were funded by the British monarchy. Created by famous political cartoonists like James Gillray, James Sayers, and Isaac Cruikshank, these images are often vicious, showing Paine’s execution and torture, or portraying him as a demon or in the form of a variety of beasts.

Curated from the British Museum, the Library of Congress, the American Philosophical Society, the New York Public Library, Truth Seeker magazine, the Musée Carnavalet in Paris, and others, our Paine editorial cartoons gallery is a colorful visual carnival. Although we are adding images on an ongoing basis, at this point we have over 130 Paine cartoons arranged in chronological order, spanning from the earliest we have discovered so far, made in 1777, all the way up to a sample of cartoons from Polyp’s 2022 graphic novel PAINE: a Fantastical Visual Biography.

It is a delight to watch new generations of Paine supporters use political art to resurrect hisimage in counterpoint to the negativity of the 18th century, and, with it, his message. The political cartoons of the Truth Seeker magazine’s Watson Heston are a triumph of pro-Paine advocacy that are perhaps without equal. The 1880s illustrations by Joseph Keppler and Adolph Schwarzmann also reflect the era’s optimism and a changing public image of Paine.

PAINE’S REDEMPTION

By the 20th century, Paine illustrations turned less poisonous. Instead, we see Paine reflected in glory in a fresco by Mexican painter Diego Rivera’s 1933 mural at Rockefeller Center (eventually plastered over by Nelson Rockefeller); a 1938 postage stamp from Poland to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the U.S. Constitution; and Paine portrayed as Star Trek’s Mr. Spock.

TPHA now hasthe largest collection of Paine cartoons and artwork to be found anywhere. Explore the galleries and the ever-evolving landscape of Paine’s legacy. If you find other political cartoons or images that our missing from our collections, please reach out to share them with us at info@thomaspaine.org.

See the TPHA Cartoon collection now!

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Back in 2020, I was asked by the South Coast Rail Partnership (SCRP) if I could create a poster exhibition about Thomas Paine in the four waiting rooms in Lewes Railway Station. I was keen to tell the story of two men, Thomas Paine and General Gage, Britain’s Commander-in-Chief in North America at the outbreak of the American Revolution. Both had strong links to Lewes, Paine residing here from 1768 to 1774 and the family seat of the Gage family at Firle just five miles east of Lewes. Covid struck and froze the work but I recently suggested that we could mark the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence by resurrecting the project.

The posters were hung in late December 2025, this time badged as a TPHA project with my having recently joined its Board. As I hung the posters, public engagement was immediate! People kept asking questions while I hung them! It was very heartening as I had no idea that it would work at all. The challenge was to give enough information without too much detail. Judging from the initial responses I think we got the right balance.

Here are the posters:

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In celebration of the 250th anniversary, a historic marker was recently placed at the Paine Monument adjacent to the TPHA Headquarters on North Avenue in New Rochelle, NY. The monument was first erected in 1839, with money raised through “public contributions.” It was situated just a few feet from where Paine was buried in 1809. His former 277-acre farm, a gift from the State of New York for his role in America’s independence, extended up the hill. The monument was repaired and rededicated on May 30, 1881. The bronze bust, sculpted by Wilson McDonald, was added to the monument and dedicated on May 30, 1899. It was rededicated in 1905, when the City of New Rochelle took ownership.

An iron fence protects the monument, and, as a result, many people do not know that all four sides of the obelisk have famous Paine-isms carved into the stone. The new marker shares these timeless messages.

ON THE WEST SIDE

“The world is my country… to do good is my religion”

Paine’s motto

“The palaces of kings are built upon the ruins of the bowers of paradise.”

Common Sense, January 10, 1776

ON THE SOUTH SIDE

Two long quotations cover this side. The top features the famous opening paragraph from Crisis I that begins:

“These are the times that try men’s souls.”

The second offers the long first paragraph of Crisis XIII which begins:

“The times that try men’s souls are over and the greatest and completest revolution the world ever knew, gloriously and happily accomplished.“

ON THE NORTH SIDE

“I believe in one God, and no more; and I hope for happiness beyond this life. I believe in the equality of man, and I believe that religious duties consist in doing justice, loving mercy, and endeavouring to make our fellow-creatures happy.”

Age of Reason, Part 1, Chap. 1

“It is necessary to the happiness of man, that he be mentally faithful to himself. Infidelity does not consist in believing, or in disbelieving; it consists in professing to believe what he does not believe.”

Age of Reason, Part 1, Chapter 1

ON THE EAST SIDE

Two more long quotations from Age of Reason, Part 1, Chapter IX, cover this side. The first begins with:

“It is only in the CREATION that all our ideas and conceptions of a word of God can unite.”

The second begins with:

“Do we want to contemplate his power? We see it in immensity of the creation.”

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Common Sense, published in January 1776, is well known for its strong advocacy of independence from Britain. Less known, but of vital importance, is Paine’s insistence that it is essential to create republics in which the people as a whole—not any one person— are sovereign. Ridiculing the unwritten English “Constitution” that all American factions then cherished as a repository of their rights, Paine asserted that democratic government is properly created only through written constitutions based on the equality of all people and framed by and for the people themselves and for their happiness and freedom. He affirmed in Common Sense that “in free countries the law ought to be King.”

Paine envisioned a single legislative chamber, subject to frequent direct elections by the people, that controlled any executive and judiciary departments. He stressed the urgency of establishing a “Charter” immediately, for a “continental form of government…while we have it in our power.”

Beyond prescribing in detail the elements of a future democratic America governed by a written Constitution, Paine made the case in Common Sense for immediate and unified action by the colonists to fight for their independence from Britain, including these eight key messages.

1. Not only should every American care about the assault on their natural rights, but the cause of America is “the cause of all mankind.” Paine stressed that the choices made by Americans in 1776 would affect all who come after them, repeatedly emphasizing the urgency of action. He appealed to their idealism, offering a thought exercise in which people could meet sequestered in a “state of natural liberty” and shape a society starting from fresh principles in which all would remain “perfectly just toeach other.”
2. Government is necessary because people are not always good. To be free, they therefore need security, especially protection from others. But, Paine pointed out, government can cause intolerable suffering as evidenced by the excesses of monarchy and all systems of hereditary succession. All people are equal, and no one has the right to set himself up as a monarch and presume that his descendants will be worthy of leadership. Monarchs are isolated from, and don’t really know the interests of the people. If they are minors, or aged, they can easily be manipulated by those around them. Paine drew on the lessons of history to support his argument and cited the Bible’s rejection of monarchy.
3. Paine asserted that Britain’s claim ofproviding protection for America served only Britain’s interests. Paine believed America was most interested in trade and that, as long as America remained a colony of Britain, it would be drawn into European wars. Those born in America were not enemies of France and Spain and an independent America would beat peace with France and Spain.
4. Reconciliation with Britain was not possible; there must be a final separation. It was absurd for an island to govern a continent that was three or four thousand miles distant.
5. As an independent nation, Paine believed, the American continent could be “the glory of the earth.” He saw it as the“asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from every part of Europe. ”Significantly, Paine called for religious tolerance and diversity of religious opinions.
6. For Paine, the events of April 1775 (the battles in Lexington and Concord) and other “barbarous” actions of Britain further demonstrated the impossibility of reconciliation. Reconciliation would only lead to more revolt later and to dissension among the colonies that were beginning to unite behind a continental government—colonies that were strong in numbers and natural resources. The challenge of fighting for America’s independence should not be left to future generations.
7. In Common Sense, Paine explicitly called for a “declaration of independence.” He asserted that assistance to the American cause from other countries such as France and Spain would come only if America pursued independence rather than reconciliation.
8. Paine saw the potential for America to reopen trade and reconciliation with Britain on different terms, once independence was achieved. He ended Common Sense with an inspiringcall for all to join together as good citizens and friends.

The post How Thomas Paine Made the Case for an Independent and Democratic America appeared first on .

General Washington of the Continental Army had no opinion about achieving independence. Most people were advocating reconciliation, to make peace, make a deal and carry on, with Britain still in charge of the American people: men like Benjamin Rush and John Dickinson, praised by history as “Founders,” led the movement for reconciling.

Following the language of Common Sense, 96 local and state Declarations ofIndependence were written, repeating the language of Common Sense, leading to the national declaration, and largely incorporating Paine’s ideals, as well as the steps needed to follow these ideals.

This was the beginning of the Age of Democratic Revolutions, and the concept of democracy based on equality.

When the first edition of Common Sense appeared in colonial bookshops, the work was unsigned, and its author remained a mystery to many readers. It became an instant bestseller.

Robert Bell, the first printer of Common Sense refused to allow Paine to make additions when it came time for subsequent printings, but Paine still had a lot to say.

Another printshop, owned by William and Thomas Bradford, stepped in, put Paine’s name on the cover, and soon, updated new editions poured off their presses.

From a Thomas Paine letter to Henry Laurens, January 14, 1779:

“I think the importance of that pamphlet was such that if it had not appeared, and at the exact time it did, the Congress would not now be sitting where they are (representing independent states). The light with which that performance threw upon the subject gave a turn to the politics of America which enabled her to stand her ground. Independence, followed in six months after it, although, before it was published, it was a dangerous doctrine to speak of…

In order to accommodate that pamphlet to every man’s purchase and to do honor to the cause, I gave up the profits I was justly entitled to… I gave permission to the printers in other parts of this State (Pennsylvania) to print it on their own account. I believe the number of copies printed and sold in America was not short of 150,000 – and is the greatest sale that any performance ever had since the use of letters..”

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In April 1797, as Napoleon Bonaparte continued his meteoric rise, Thomas Paine made his way to 4 Rue du Théatre Français. With his knock on the door, life changed for Nicolas and Marguerite Bonneville and their very young children. Paine had grown close to the couple during the early days of the French Revolution. Now, stateless and homeless in the wake of the Committee of Public Safety’s Terror, an 11-month incarceration that almost killed him, and his long recuperation at the home of American Minister to France, James Monroe, Paine had been invited to take refuge at the Bonneville home. Madame Bonneville expected the great man to stay for a fortnight. Instead, he stayed for six years.

Surrounded by the Bonneville’s circle of writers and intellectuals—headstrong, passionate, and yet still optimistic even in the wake of so much death—Paine new companions rekindled his revolutionary spirit. The Bonnevilles were great admirers of Paine. They even named their fourthborn son, Thomas Paine Bonneville, in the great man’s honor the year after Paine arrived at their home, and asked him to serve as godfather. As Paine’s fortnight turned into months and then years, his presence as a doting, albeit eccentric, “grandfather” became the norm, while the family’s hospitality towards him—between 1797 and 1802—became the foundation of an abiding friendship.

In 1802, Nicolas Bonneville was arrested by Napoleon and his printing presses were seized just as Paine was finally preparing to return to the United States. Paine saw a way to pay the struggling Bonnevilles back for their generosity, so Madame Bonneville and three of her four boys—12-year old Louis, 5-year-old Benjamin and 4-year-old Thomas, sailed to America shortly after Paine’s return, planning to stay until Nicolas could get back onto a solid financial footing. Instead, for the next seven years in New York, this “odd couple” became a part of Paine’s sometimes eccentric orbit. Little Nicolas was too frail to travel and remained in France, while Louis, the oldest, was unhappy in New York, so arrangements were made for him to return to France and to the care of a family friend until he could be reunited with his father.

By 1808, prone to a growing litany of frailties, Paine was not the easiest person to be around. The small town of New Rochelle, 22 miles from New York, was no panacea for a happy life. There was an ill-executed attempt on Paine’s life by a disgruntled workman, and the town had infuriatingly refused to let him vote in an election, alleging that he was not an American citizen. As a result, the Paine-Bonneville “family” began spending more time in what is now Greenwich Village. Paine began facing physical struggles. A bad fall and episodes of transient ischemia made it difficult for him to hold a pen. But he was still busy trying to make the world a better place.

As Paine shuttled between a series of rooming houses, Madame Bonneville became his occasional secretary: “I …went regularly to see him twice a week; but, he said to me one day: “I am here alone, for all these people are nothing to me, day after day, week after week, month after month, and you don’t come to see me.” An aging, ailing man, who thrived on arguments in the service of great ideas, now roiled against the infirmities of old age and his confinement in lonely, shabby rooms. At the same time, the futures of the Bonneville boys weighed heavily upon Madame Bonneville. It was the central bond between Paine and her.

On June 8, 1809, Thomas Paine—physically diminished but with his mind still clear—died peacefully. With the reading of Paine’s will, the responsibilities for his burial and the execution of his estate lay on Madame Bonneville’s shoulders.

Whatever scholars may make of Paine’s feelings about Madame Bonneville, and hers about him, there can be no disputing her position as the principal beneficiary in Paine’s will. His bequest included “shares, movables, and money… for her own sole and separate use, and at her disposal, notwithstanding her coverture.” Small amounts were dispensed to old friends, including Nicolas, but the most significant chunk, including 100 acres in New Rochelle, went to Madame Bonneville: “…in trust for her children …their education and maintenance, until they come to the age of twenty-one years, in order that she may bring them well up, give them good and useful learning, and instruct them in their duty to God.”

Madame Bonneville wrote, “Paine, doubtless, considered me and my children as strangers in America. His affection for us was…great and sincere.” His generous bequest to the boys in his will proves that.

In March of 1810, Marguerite Bonneville, with Paine’s dear friend Walter Morton by her side, took a stage coach to Albany, and, associated with Paine’s estate, posted a bond of $14,000—an amount that would today be the equivalent in purchasing power of about $359,973. Paine had indeed provided for his “boys”. Thomas Paine—physically diminished but with his mind still clear—died peacefully. With the reading of Paine’s will, the responsibilities for his burial and the execution of his estate lay on Madame Bonneville’s shoulders.

What of Paine’s “Dear Boys”?

Benjamin Bonneville

Paine loved the youngest Bonneville boys. After his death, Madame Bonneville, with a boost from Lafayette, petitioned Thomas Jefferson for a place for Benjamin at West Point. He rose to Brigadier General in the U.S. Army as well as gaining fame as an explorer of the American northwest. The Bonneville Salt Flats and the Pontiac Bonneville are named for him.

Thomas Paine Bonneville

Thomas Paine Bonneville did not fare as well. On January 1, 1812, now dropping the “Paine,” the adolescent Thomas became a midshipman in the U.S. Navy. He was awarded a sword of valor for his service during a fierce battle, but Thomas was a discipline problem. Heroism and discipline did not go hand in hand. Thomas resigned from the Navy in 1816. In November 1820, he enlisted as an Army private for a five-year tour, took a 2-month leave for illness, left on March 26, 1821, and vanished from history’s gaze.

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250 years ago this month, while Paine was speed writing Common Sense, he addressed this critical shortage of gunpowder that threatened to bring the American rebellion to a grinding halt. He and a colleague conducted experiments on how families could make gunpowder from commonly available materials, with his report on the process and the results being printed in newspapers in Pennsylvania and other colonies.

Here is an image of the article that was published at the Pennsylvania Mercury and Universal Advertiser on Friday, November 24, 1775:

Here is a transcript of the article:

Philadelphia November 14, 1775

Experiments made since Friday last by Captain Pryor and Mr. Thomas Pain, for the purpose of fixing some easy, cheap, and expeditious method of making Salt-Petre in private Families, in order to shew the practicability of a plan, proposed by Mr. Pain of forming a Salt-Petre Association for voluntarily supplying the public Magazines with Gun-powder.

FIRST EXPERIMENT

Friday afternoon we sawed an old cask (of little or no value) into two tubs, and bored an hole in the bottom of each near to the side, of about the size of a common cork, and stopt it with a wooden peg; overeach hole, we put a full handful of straw, then filled the tubs with earth, taken from the bottom of the celler, and poured water thereon, filling it up as it sank in, till the water flood about an inch above the earth. This is the same as serting a lye tub.

Second, Saturday morning we drew the liquor off, throwing it up till it run clear, the quantity was about three gallons, which we put into a kettle and boiled to about three quarts.

Third, We took a little wooden keg, bored an hole, as in the former ones, stopt it with a cork, and covered the bottom of the tub with cut straw to about three or four inches, on which we put about the same depth of woodashes, and gently poured thereon the hot liquor, so as not to make holes in the ashes; after letting it stand a few minutes to settle, we drew it off, (throwing it up again till it ran clear) when it ceased running, we put on about a quart of cold water to drive out the lye which the ashes had sucked up.

Fourth, We boiled this second liquor to about a pint and a half then poured it gently off, into a basin, leaving the scum and sediment behind; after it had stood about a quarter of an hour to settle, we again poured it into two earthen soup plates, set them in a cool place till next morning, at which time the sides and bottom of the plates were beautifully covered with crystals of Salt-Petre sprung up like large blades of grass, being in quantity about quarter of a pound.

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As his London Packet approached the colonies in November 1774, Thomas Paine was not scanning for land. After turning northwards towards Philadelphia in Delaware Bay, he was not visualizing where, during the Seven Years War, French privateer ships awaited English prey within the folds of the eastern shore. Stricken with typhus fever that had ravaged his ship, the delirious and barely conscious Paine was confined to his cabin.

In a March 1775 letter to Franklin, Paine said he had “suffered dreadfully” during the voyage, “had very little hopes” he “would live to see America,” and that six weeks in the care of Dr. John Kearsley, Jr.—who “attended the ship on her Arrival, ”took Paine on as a patient, had him brought “on Shore,”and “provided a Lodging”— resulted in full recovery.

Why Kearsley? Many doctors then practiced in Philadelphia. Some Paine biographers assert that Kearsley had Paine brought to him because he heard about someone with a letter of introduction from Franklin. Kearsley did not hear it through the grapevine.

He “attended the Ship on her Arrival. ”Presumably appointed under Pennsylvania law to inspect the infected ship, he learned of Paine and the letter during that inspection.

Where did Kearsley inspect the ship and where did Paine recover? Paine biographers, who specify where the ship docked and Paine’s care occurred, assume Philadelphia locations. Instead, Pennsylvania law expressly prohibited ships “disordered with any infectious disease” from coming closer than Little Mud Island, seven nautical miles downriver, and required that infected persons be quarantined at a “hospital or pest house” on adjacent Province Island.

Unless the captain risked severe penalties by flouting Pennsylvania law and obtained Kearsley’s cooperation, Paine sailed no closer than Little Mud Island and was brought “on Shore” on Province Island.

Kearsley would not have defied a law requiring that infected ships be cleansed with vinegar. Kearsley derived significant income from operating a vinegar factory and vigorously advocated vinegar’s health benefits, recommending “bathing the body” of patients “with very strong warm vinegar ”as“ an auxiliary to stop the progress of putridity,” and drawing “hot steams of vinegar” and other ingredients “through a funnel into the lungs.”

The mortality rate for “highly intellectual” people who contracted typhus fever, like Paine, was “very high.” Paine’s delirium upon arriving suggested untreated severe typhus and heightened the prospect of death.

Available evidence indicates that Paine’sship docked downriver, and that, quarantined on Province Island, he was rescued from likely death by Kearsley’s care. Cabin “passengers” like Paine had to pay for care. The hospital’s “Keeper” could charge for a passenger’s stay. Since Paine lacked financial resources, Kearsley having “provided a Lodging” during recovery may mean that he absorbed those charges.

Caring for Paine distant from Philadelphia was a considerable economic hit. Why did Kearsley decide to care for Paine without charge, perhaps pay the Keeper, and travel far downriver on multiple occasions?

Charity was an unlikely motivator. Kearsley prioritized his financial pursuits over needs of the poor. His uncle, dying in 1772, intended to create and fund an infirmary for poor women. Kearsley substantially delayed and nearly thwarted that bequest. Suing to obtain more from his uncle’s estate, his claim prevailed before a jury though legally groundless, and his uncle’sintent was realized only through additional donations by others.

Franklin’s letter of introduction was also an unlikely motivator. Kearsley detested Franklin, who he sarcastically called “The Electrician,” Kearsley accused Franklin of misusing public revenues for his private benefit and cynically predicted he would succeed because “he is wicked enough to Blind the people.”

The most likely rationale for Kearsley taking on Paine’s care isironic. A Loyalist who forcefully opposed American resistance to England, Kearsley was, as friends and foes perceived, “violent” in his Loyalist views and actions. Before and after Paine arrived, Kearsley headed “The Association” that was designed to assure all “Englishmen” actively support British forces, drink to their success against the Americans, and “combine together to join the British Forces when they should arrive.”

Did Kearsley view the Englishman Paine as a potential Association member and fodder for his Loyalist plans? During his inspection, did Kearsley read notes in Paine’s cabin and recognize his extraordinary written communication skills? This explanation gainstraction by considering Kearsley’s actions in October 1775 that were, to Pennsylvanians supporting the American cause, stunningly treasonous.

Kearsley tried to send a map to London that disclosed precisely where British ships could maneuver around carefully constructed and critically important sharpened log structures sunk into the Delaware River – chevaux defrise – to reach and attack Philadelphia. The map was accompanied by a letter proposing that, if Britain sent troops, Kearsley would lead those troops and an equivalent number of Loyalists who, he promised, would come forward. Those papers were intercepted and Kearsley and his co-conspirators were arrested. Kearsley remained imprisoned until, 53 years old, he died in November 1777.

Locations of those chevaux defrise—the prime defense protecting Philadelphia from British ships—were deeply held secrets. Other Loyalists were hanged for far less egregious activities.

Kearsley presumably read Paine’s Common Sense and his first four Crisis essays, published before November 1777. Imagine Kearsley’s rage while consuming Paine’s proclamation that “every Tory is a coward” and, “though he may be cruel, never can be brave.” Or Paine’s claims that “the instant that” a Tory “endeavors to bring his toryism A TRAITOR” and that a “traitor is the foulest fiend on earth.”

Did Kearsley realize that, had he not cared for Paine, independence may never have transpired? Dwelling on that irony, would execution shortly after arrest have seemed an attractive alternative? Rather than being hanged in October 1775, Kearsley watched helplessly for two years —perhaps going insane—as his world turned upside down and the decision to bring Paine back from the brink gave birth to his nightmare.

The post Dr. John Kearsley, Jr.: Paine Arrives in America Stricken by Typhus appeared first on .

By Gary Berton 

Part Two of Two Parts – See part one here.

Thomas Paine’s first principles built the structure of democracy. The mechanisms central to Paine’s political theories are rooted in his ideology of first principles. The basic foundation of these principles is equality, and as a direct result, justice. If equality is practiced, then people share equal justice. 

“Mankind being originally equals in the order of creation,” he wrote in Common Sense, “the equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance.” 

“When a people agree to form themselves into a republic (for the word REPUBLIC means the PUBLIC GOOD, or the good of the whole, in contradistinction to the despotic form, which makes the good of the sovereign, or of one man, the only object of the government) when, I say, they agree to do this, it is to be understood, that they mutually resolve and pledge themselves to each other, rich and poor alike, to support and maintain this rule of equal justice among them. They therefore renounce not only the despotic form, but the despotic principle, as well of governing as of being governed by mere Will and Power, and substitute in its place a government of justice.” (Dissertations on Government, 1786) 

The structure of his democratic theory is like a house: the foundation of that house is equality and justice; everything else rests upon it. If this principle is compromised and weakened, the whole structure is vulnerable to corruption and oppression.

Inherent in the equality/justice principle are rights. both natural and civil — civil rights arising from natural rights. Natural rights are inherent and received upon birth, without exception. Defending these rights is the object of democratic government. 

Resting on this foundation of rights are four support pillars constructing the structure of democracy. (1) Rejection of precedent, (2) No one should live worse than in the state of nature. (3) Recognition of the natural sociability of humanity. (4) Enlightenment and reason solve problems. A few thoughts on each:

1. Rejection of precedent 

Precedent got us into the problems of government. They represent the failures to ensure equality and justice. Precedent is the “originalist” interpretation of the Constitution; it’s the way things were always done, which is the excuse to maintain “tradition.” Precedent is the wall preventing people from building the democratic structures of a better world, Precedent reinforces structures that promote elitism, privilege, and injustice. 

2 No one should live worse than in the state of nature. 

If civilization has progressed, why are masses of the people worse off than if they lived in small groups in nature? That is not progress. The wellbeing of every person is what democracy insists upon. If many or most people live worse off than as small groups in nature, civilization is not progressing; it’s regressing. Why is another discussion for another day. 

3. Recognize the natural sociability of humanity. 

Humans evolved as social animals. The human mind, Paine wrote, is “unfitted for perpetual solitude.” That natural sociability is the basis of democracy. Building upon it is fundamental to democracy.

4. Enlightenment and reason solve problems 

Knowing and using the real world around us must be the basis for knowledge, and applying that knowledge to solve problems. Anything else is invented to manipulate and confuse the people in their decision-making, which is anti-democratic. 

Atop the pillars is a roof protecting the structure of government from outside elements. The roof consists of constitutions with democratic structures and laws. 

Building the opposite structure is the bizarro world of Edmund Burke, whose political theory is oligarchy. His foundation is order, not equality. Burke’s pillars are “defending historical precedent,” following “tradition,” (not the Enlightenment ideals Paine advocated). Burke sought continuity, not change for the better. Burke saw humanity as a collection of “disconnected individuals.” His roof atop government is prescriptive for elite rule, not democratic order, government by the people. 

Paine challenged and changed the entire philosophical structure of government, not just for the people in the 18th century, but for everyone in the world today.

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The majority of historians have gone along with ignoring or misrepresenting Paine in history, from 18th century UK Tories to 21st century American biographer J.C.D. Clark.

The reality was that the Federalists took over, wrote a constitution enabling plutocracy, and repressed the truth of Paine. Only two Paine biographers (Linton and Vale) were even half right about him.

Working class Americans last century were conscious of Paine and his reputation. U.S. Air Force mechanics in WWII England painted “Tom Paine” on the side of bombers, quoting him about conquering tyranny with the gifts these planes were dropping.

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