Northern Star and Leeds General Advertiser – Saturday 15 February 1851
COMMEMORATION OF THE BIRTHDAY OF THOMAS PAINE.
A public tea party and festival was held at the Literary and Scientific Institution, John-street, Tottenham-court-road, on Sunday evening. About four hundred persons sat down to an excellent tea; many more tickets could have been disposed of, but the number issued was limited. After tea the public were admitted at the usual price of Sunday evening lectures. About eight o’clock Mr. Watson was called to the chair, and letters of apology were read from Robert Owen, and Messrs. Linton and Harney. The Apollonic Society opened the proceedings by executing some music appropriate to the occasion.
Mr. Watson then addressed the meeting, and said, that he considered it an especial duty to be present to celebrate the memory of one of the most famous champions of the human race. He considered it the more important, because those who lived by opposing the best interests of the human race, had united in misrepresenting and maligning his character. Aristocrats and priests, of every denomination, had endeavoured to throw odium on his memory. The speaker then read various extracts from Paine’s writings, showing that these classes were naturally opposed to him, because his writings and their influence were entirely opposed to them. In concluding, he called upon all those who admired Paine’s principles, to go forth as missionaries, and spread them abroad until Royalty and Priestcraft were for ever abolished. Mr. Watson sat down loudly cheered.
The Apollonic Society then gave the People’s Anthem.
Mr. Holyoake spoke to the following sentiment,
“The Development of Reason in Politics and Religion.”
Their Chairman had told them the reason why they should venerate the memory of Paine, and it came particularly appropriate from him who had done so much towards spreading a knowledge of the writings of Paine. Much had been said about the vulgarity of the writings of Paine; but no man who was so bitterly opposed had ever come out of the conflict so pure as he had done from the imputation of violent or abusive language. He said that it was impossible that they could enjoy political freedom whilst Priestcraft predominated. If the priest could call upon them to surrender a portion of their reason and liberty into his hands, the monarch could call upon them to surrender the whole. It was because Paine taught this so cogently, and thereby disquieted both priests and thrones throughout the world, that he was so bitterly maligned. Paine gave the inspiration of freedom to a great nation. Washington could never have achieved the freedom of America with the sword, if Paine had not prepared their minds with the pen. That was a greater achievement than any priest ever had, or he feared ever would, achieve. Paine made reason equally as popular in religion as in politics. He believed the great end of political reformation was the establishment of republicanism, and the end of religious reformation the establishment of rationalism. If reason was not an infallible guide, it was at least the best with which humanity was furnished. They must throw off their allegiance to that false theology which was supported only by those who wished to throw dust in their eyes, because they were interested in maintaining the present system. Mr. Holyoake then showed that Paine sacrificed his fame and popularity by assailing the priestcraft—that he had so long bewildered the senses of mankind, and that by this sacrifice he had smoothed the way for the reformers of the present day.
Mr. Alexander Campbell also spoke to this sentiment. He had long attended meetings in commemoration of that event, and on every fresh occasion he saw that many new adherents were added to the church of reason. There was as much inconsistency to be found in the present system of society as Paine ever exposed in the system of theology. Paine exposed both these errors; he showed them, by facts and reason, that these errors were productive of misery to the bulk of the human race. Reason was an agent far mightier than physical power—they must learn to bear with the errors of each other. No two men could possibly think exactly alike; this knowledge should give them charity for the opinions of others, and teach them to combat what they believed to be errors by reason alone, ever bearing in mind the great fact, that the character of man was formed for him by the age in which he lived, and the circumstances in which he was placed.
The Singers then gave Thomas Cooper’s Chartist chant in the first rate style.
Mr. Robert Cooper, of Manchester, responded to the next sentiment as follows:—
“The immortal Thomas Paine. May his memory be ever held in happy remembrance, and his noble example stimulate the efforts of all present and future Reformers.”
He was not one of those who, while they indorsed the political sentiments of Thomas Paine, ignored his theological doctrines. He believed that they should not only have the “Rights of Man,” but also the “Age of Reason;” both must be contemporaneous. Paine saw that they must not only work for themselves, but also think for themselves. Kingcraft and Priestcraft were both despots, nursed in the same cradle, pursuing the same bloody policy; but, thanks to the spread of reason, they were now getting in their dotage, and could only stalk abroad on the crazy crutches of the law. Both must die together and be buried in the same tomb. It required greater courage to face the priest in his den than to brave the tyrant in his lair. Paine dared both, and met with their united rage. When he dared to assault the priests many of his political friends deserted him; even George Washington left him, almost forgotten, to languish in a French prison. For this courage and true philosophy Paine was worthy the honour now awarded to him. The speaker concluded a long and eloquent address amid loud cheers.
Mr. Turley (Sartor) also supported this sentiment.
Mr. E. Jones, who was received with immense applause, said, they were not to commemorate a mere man—they were met to celebrate a great thought—an eternal truth. “The rights of man;” they were celebrating not the past, but that which never had been “The age of reason.” Yet this man, while he lived, was maligned, oppressed, and despised; but the Pariah of the Past had become the Saint of the present. Honour was due to Paine as the great pioneer of freedom. What had he not done for America by writing his Common Sense? Had he not shown them that the British Government, and not the people of America, were the rebels? That they must cease to act on the defensive, and commence the aggressive, until they had banished tyranny from their shores? For the last 600 years a rebellion had been going on, but the wrong party had been designated as rebels. It was Kings, Peers, and Priests, who were the rebels. The people were the legitimate sovereigns. When Paine gave that lesson to the Americans he gave it also to us, and to all time. He was the apostle of mind, and also the champion of force. Democracy had not yet been triumphant, because, hitherto, when the people possessed the force they had not been destitute of the knowledge, and when they possessed the knowledge they were destitute of the force—knowledge alone was not power, it must be combined with force. If they asked a landlord to define a man, he would tell them he was a serf, useful only to till the fields, and to procure luxuries for him. The manufacturer would say he was a machine to create wealth. The lawyer would define him as a fool, who quarrelled with his brothers, that they might live by pocketing the fees. The soldier would say, he was a tool to cut men’s throats. The parson, that he was a sort of human talking pig; and Lord John Russell would tell them that he was a human piano, on which he could play the tune of “Anti Popery.” (Cheers.) Paine was also the apostle of free thoughts as well as free also the apostle of free thoughts as well as free laws, and for his exertions in defence of that they owed him a debt which they would never be able to repay. He (Mr. Jones) did not agree with many of the theological doctrines of Paine. He professed himself to be a Christian, though not belonging to the Christianity of the priests. He took the Bible in his hand as the weapon to attack the priests; and if its moral and common sense doctrines were properly understood and carried out, not a priest would be able to show his face on the morrow. Paine, and other great reformers, had created a new mind; and it was now their province to direct that mind. A new era had dawned upon them—an era when all the money-changers would be driven from the Temple of the World. Eighteen hundred years ago, a voice in Judea had proclaimed Equality and Fraternity to the world. Ten thousand voices now proclaimed the same doctrine; and they needed only union to bring about its reign.
Mr. S. Kidd responded to “The Press—May its brightest rays penetrate the entire globe, to light at warm humanity in one sympathetic and Universal Brotherhood.” They had heard that evening the estimate given by Dr. Cumming of the character of Paine. He would quote from a better critic, a greater scholar, a more remarkable man, than Dr. Cumming. Walter Savage Landor—a name second to none in this country, and few in this age wrote that “Thomas Paine was the greatest thinker of the day, and one of the noblest men produced by any age.” The eulogism from Landor, the friend and companion of Byron, the acquaintance of Shelley, the associate of Southey, a man better fitted than almost any other man to judge of the minds of those who preceded him, was more than a set off against the abuse of Dr. Cumming; and he was much mistaken, if posterity did not endorse the sentiments of Landor when Cumming was unknown and his opinions forgotten.
No name could be more justly associated with the liberty of the press than that of Paine; no man had done more in defence of that great principle, “That true liberty could only exist where free-born men, in advising the people, could speak or write freely.” John Milton, whose exertions for a free press would never be forgotten, said that it was as sinful to prevent the printing of a good book as it was to prevent the existence of a good man. One good book might do more to advance the knowledge of the age than the existence of 100 good men. Much had been done for the liberty of the press in this country. As far as mere printing was concerned, the hardihood of a few men had forced the government to allow them a tolerable share of the liberty of the press. But government denied them the right of exercising this liberty unless they paid for it; the bonds of the press were golden ones. In the late movement in the country there had been a deadness and inertness exhibited which was lamentable to see on such a vital question. Before they could enjoy the blessings of a free press they must break down the monied despotism which now existed, and which made men mere hirelings to newspaper proprietors and wealthy booksellers. At the present moment many claims were made for reduction of taxation. But the most valuable of all these movements was that for an untaxed press; unless they could spread abroad unfettered knowledge, it would be worse than useless to preach the doctrines of equality and fraternity. It was the ground work of all civilization, the foundation of the temple of free thought. Establish the perfect freedom of the press, and they would raise up the “Age of Reason,” which was essential to the attainment of the “Rights of Man;” in the words of Paine, “the world would then be their country, and to do good their religion.” Mr. Kidd then concluded a brilliant speech, which was listened to with breathless attention, amid great applause.
Mr. Moore also ably supported the sentiment.
The Marseillaise Hymn was then given, and the proceedings closed by a short address from the Chairman, who stated that the crowded state of the hall, and the necessity for refusing the admittance of many to the festival, was a convincing proof of the advantage of speedily procuring the erection of the proposed Temple of Free Thought, and advised the taking of shares therein.